Marking telicity as a situation aspectual property in Hungarian
Part 1.
DOI:
https://doi.org/10.18349/MagyarNyelv.2019.2.176Keywords:
situation aspect, particle, resultative predicate, pseudo-object, created and consumed object, telicity, event maximalization, HungarianAbstract
In the present paper, we aim to explore three different telicity-marking strategies in Hungarian. In terms of these strategies, telic interpretations can arise (i) through event-maximalization encoded in verbal particles and resultative phrases of change of state or location, (ii) through pseudo-objects such as egyet ‘one.acc’, (egy) jót ‘(one) good.acc’, jókat ‘good.pl.acc’, (egy) nagyot ‘(one) big. acc’, nagyokat ‘big. pl.acc’, hatalmasat ‘huge. acc’, etc., and (iii) through bounded objects of creation and consumption predicates. We show that although telicity is always a direct consequence of the fact that the verbal predicate is quantized, it can arise both in the presence of maximalization over events (cf. verbal particles and resultative phrases) and in its absence (cf. pseudo-objects and created/consumed objects). Based on these three different strategies in the expression of telicity, we conclude that the class of telic predicates is clearly heterogeneous in Hungarian.
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